Méxique

De la nouvelle géographie de la production au nouveau paysage géostratégique dans l’automobile mondiale

BRIC_different_flags_april_2011.jpg

La chronique hébdomadaire de Bernard Jullien directeur du Gerpisa.

La parution des chiffres de l’Organisation Internationale des Constructeurs d’Automobiles (OICA) sur la production 2010 dans le monde a été relativement peu commentée. Elle fait pourtant apparaître de manière criante le caractère irréversible de l’irruption d’un nouvel ordre automobile mondial. En effet, outre le fait que la Chine assure désormais presque un quart de la production (18,2 millions des 77,6 millions de VP et de VUL fabriqués dans le monde), l’importance prise par les nouveaux pays de l’automobile durant la crise ressort avec éclat. Si l’on compare ainsi 2010 à 2007 où la production mondiale avait été de 73,3 millions, il ressort que les seuls BRIC représentaient en 2007 moins de 16 millions de véhicules produits (21,4% de la production mondiale) alors qu’en 2010 ils en auront assemblés 27 millions (c’est à dire 34,6%). De même, dans la hiérarchie mondiale des pays constructeurs, la France était encore au 6ème rang en 2007. En ayant vu sa production passer de 3 à 2,2 millions alors que la production croissait rapidement ailleurs, Brésil, Inde, Mexique et Espagne sont désormais devant elle et la France pointe au 10ème rang. Au sein de l’Europe, le redéploiement des productions est également très frappant puisque, avec une production de 857 000 véhicules, l’Italie est par exemple devenue un producteur de moindre importance que la République Tchèque ou la Pologne. lire la suite

China and México: competition for the United State automobile Market

Alvarez, Lourdes, & Francisco García (2011).  China and México: competition for the United State automobile Market. Gerpisa colloquium. China and México: competition for the United States automobile Market Lourdes Alvarez Medina Francisco Javier García Pando The emergence of the People´s Republic of China (China) in the global automobile industry has given way to a great deal of speculation on what strategies Chinese car makers will pursue in entering the United State of America (USA) market, threatening the established order among the automotive producers in México. Since the automobile industry is considered by the Chinese government as “the typical- capital- and technology industry , to encourage export of cars and components or investment abroad and good for enlarging exports and being significant for the transformation of foreign trade and economic cooperation” (Annual report, 2010). The aim of this paper is to study the trade of automobiles and components from China and Mexico toward the USA market. This country is the main partner of the automobile industry in Mexico; however China has been increasing its exports component in the last years and now it may be seen as a rival contending for the same market. The study is made using the methodology developed by the Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL) and its data base Magic (CEPAL, 2010). Trade is studied at a 10 digits disaggregate level, according to the Harmonized Tariff System of the United States in order to understand which cars and components are being imported from each country, the dynamics and how they are contending. The export similarity index of exported autoparts from China and Mexico to the USA is calculated to compare the trade structure of the two countries.

Transformation Mechanisms of the Mexican automotive industry: Evolution and Transitional Phases

Jiménez, Humberto García, & Jorge Carrillo (2011).  Transformation Mechanisms of the Mexican automotive industry: Evolution and Transitional Phases. Gerpisa colloquium.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the historical dynamic that has led to the automotive industry to its current specialization. In orderly phases of stability (evolutionary time) and structural discontinuity (transition times), we reconstruct the sector's productive career, distinguishing their thresholds and changing conditions or stabilization which have been subjected during their evolution. In particular, we wish to emphasize the processes of learning to play the global automotive requirements, processing product production.

We analyze the characteristics of the evolutionary stages based on the type of responses that auto companies have done to address the various crises of recent years (investment plans, policies regarding new models technological options, finding new markets and domestic market's attention). We distinguish the possible evolutionary paths to choose, in a situation where there is a plethora of responses from carmakers to emerge from the current crisis.

The information sources of this paper are: a) depth interviews with managers of OEMs and OESs made in 2009, b) literature review to document the productive paths of the companies studied, and c) statistics reports from the Ministry of Economy, the Mexican Association of Automotive Industry (AMIA) and documents available from the Harbour Report.

Local Entrepreneurship within Global Production Networks: the Automotive Industry in Mexico (2000-2010)

Contreras, Oscar F., & Jorge Carrillo (2011).  Local Entrepreneurship within Global Production Networks: the Automotive Industry in Mexico (2000-2010). Gerpisa colloquium.

From the decade of the 1980s, Mexico became a highly attractive location for global automobile assemblers. Geographical proximity and low production costs came associated with high productivity levels, making this country an important location in the bitter struggle for market share in the North American market.

As this industry became highly concentrated, driven by a small number of very large assembly firms and a privileged group of highly globalized transnational suppliers, the benefits for the host localities has turned to be a highly controversial issue.

Taking this controversy as a background, a case study was designed to analyze the incorporation of local suppliers around a major assembly plant from Ford Motor Company and its global suppliers in Hermosillo, Mexico. The empirical analysis consisted on a survey applied to a sample of 166 small and medium size local firms, and 56 interviews with managers of transnational firms, owners of local companies, and ex-employees of the Ford plant in Hermosillo. Also¸ the paper analyses a survey on Multinational firms in Mexico in order to determine the diffusion of spill-overs.

Our findings revealed that while most local suppliers could be classified in low added value products and services, with very limited functional roles within the supply chain, a recently emerged trend is the incorporation of a handful of knowledge-intensive small local businesses providing higher value services and playing more important roles within the supplier chain. We analyze the factors that have enable these firms to emerge and evolve, and propose a model of interactions where both enabling and inhibiting factors are considered, with the purpose to improve the understanding of the potential of global production networks to foster local entrepreneurship, and to identify the factor that policies should target in their efforts to promote these emerging firms. 

The Mexican Auto Industry 2008-2010: From the Crisis to a Greater Regiocentric Sway

Covarrubias, Alex V. (2011).  The Mexican Auto Industry 2008-2010: From the Crisis to a Greater Regiocentric Sway. Gerpisa colloquium.

 The global crisis of 2008-2009 created a dramatic impact on the Mexican auto industry. In 2009 the auto output fell 28.3% as the total production plumped to 1, 566, 842 units from 2,180, 294 in 2008. Though, the recovery of the sector was not only rapid but equally dramatic. At the end of 2010 the industry had practically the same output of 2008 and for the current year the specialized forecasters (among others, PwC & Automotive News) expect Mexican production will beat any previous record.  Why and how is this happening? We postulate that Mexican auto production is getting more critical than ever within the North America Region as firms deploy a more regiocentric strategy to both struggle for survival and meet more demanding fuel-efficiency standards. In the midst of the crisis, throughout these years, five out of the seven automakers operating in Mexico poured more than ten billion dollars in retooling old factories, opening new ones, and developing, testing and launching new projects. All of these aimed mostly at increasing the share of the North America market and putting in the marketplace more eco-friendly motorized systems.

Thus, as Ford does it with the CD3 Project from 2005 on, at the present Chrysler, GM, VW and Nissan are launching from Mexico to the world a set of brand-new projects --namely the Premium Fiat 500, the Cactus/Aveo, the New Jetta/the Post-New Beetle, and the Micra-March, respectively. From this perspective, the market and productive strategies of these firms share many common features irrespectively of their nationality. Our essay goes to identify them and discuss their implications for the North American auto sector. We also identify their implications for Mexico in terms of the spatial regionalization that is unfolding as brown-fields worksites become green ones, green-fields worksites become old ones, and ‘brand-new-green-field worksites add to the sector.

The demand of automobiles in Mexico after the economic crisis

Alvarez, Lourdes (2011).  The demand of automobiles in Mexico after the economic crisis. Gerpisa colloquium. The demand for automobiles in Mexico after the economic crisis Facultad de Contaduría y Administración Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México GERPISA International Colloquium, 2011, 8-10 june. París Lourdes Alvarez Medina The automotive industry in Mexico provide two relevant markets: the United States market which has had a temporary recovery after the 2008 economic crisis and the domestic market which due to lack of jobs, income inequalities, lack of financing and the entrance of used car imports from U.S. sales, will recover in 2013 the sales levels of 2007. The automotive industry's production in Mexico has had a significant recovery in 2010. Production reached 2.2 million units (49.9%) more than in 2009 and 7.5% higher than 2008. In fact he industry reached its highest peak of production in the history of the industry in Mexico. Likewise the production of auto parts reached a record 60, 000 million dollars, representing an increase of 45% compared with 2009. Exports reached almost 1.9 million, representing an increase of 52% compared with 2009 and 11.6% more than in 2008. Although the domestic sales grew 9% to 820.000 units (of which 409.147 were imported) they were 25.4% lower than 2007 when it reached the largest retail of new cars (1, 099.866) (AMIA, 2010; INA, 2010). The aim of this work is to analyze the effects of the economic crisis in the demand of automobiles in Mexico. Specifically we analyze the factors that shape demand such as household income, financing and the entry of used vehicles from the United States. Since the beginning of the 1980s the economic growth of the GDP per capita in Mexico has been unsatisfactory (0.9% between 1980 and 2007) and macroeconomic stability has not resulted in increasing the standard of living of its population, create new jobs, and keep a solid currency. Several reasons has been exposed: a) the structure of the export oriented manufacturing sector, which is not linked to the local economy, has caused a polarization process and growth has been limited to an extremely small group of firms and households b) the financial sector is not working as it should and therefore is a lack of financing for the private sector c) there is a low investment growth in technology and human capital formation. Employment is one of the most important issues related with the internal demand of automobiles. Mexican economy generated an average of 305 000 jobs annually between 1991 and 2009 whereas the Economically Active Population increased one million. The quality of the formal employment has deteriorated substantially and real minimum wages in 2008 represented less than 30% of their 1980 level and real wages have lagged behind labor productivity. The Gini coefficient has in crease from .385 in 1977 to 0.498 in 2008. We can see the inequality of the distribution in the national patters of income where the first six deciles, which are the 60% of households, amount for only 26.7% of total income while 10% of the households amount for 36% of the total income. The main components of current spending of households are food, beverage and cigarettes (33.6%), transport and communication (18.4%), education and recreation 13.5% and 15.5% in the same period, housing and fuel (10.0%). The inequalities of household income have shaped consumption demand in a specific way. The main share of loans is aimed at the demand of non-durable goods, which are purchased through credit cards. Past due accounts grow up in crisis periods, but in the last year they have shrunk. Pick ups an SUV’s were the category that has experienced the largest rate of growth between 1990 and 2010, and it seems that it will keep the same pace of growth. This demand comes from the VII to X deciles where the richest Mexican households are. Income and social inequalities will remain much the same because the current administration has failed in setting adequate economic growth paths. For the automobile industry, it will remain growing depending on the US market and the demand of the domestic market.

Crisis, Restructuration and Territorial Configuration of the Automotive Industry in Mexico City 1993-2010

Daville, Selva (2011).  Crisis, Restructuration and Territorial Configuration of the Automotive Industry in Mexico City 1993-2010. Gerpisa colloquium. Crisis, Restructuration and Territorial Configuration of the Automotive Industry in the Federal District (Mexico City), 1993-2010 By Selva L. Daville Landero Researcher CEIICH-UNAM (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México) daville@servidor.unam.mx Abstract From the 1990’s on, and specifically from 1994 when the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) came into force, the policy of reorienting the Mexican economy toward the outside world was stepped up and trading competition increased, thereby strengthening Mexican dependency on and economic integration to the United States. The automotive industry in particular has gone through significant transformations, both in regard to modernization and territorial relocation, in order to face this process (Carrillo, 2007). This paper discusses the changes that have been taking place in the automotive industry established in Mexico City and their territorial deployment, based on existing statistic data from the Census and survey evidence from the industry companies. It should be noted that the automotive sector is only comprised by the auto parts industry due the closing of the formerly existing automotive manufacturing plants. At the same time, this work is framed within an ongoing, unprecedented world crisis —which started in 2008, though it is still unclear when it will end— that enables us, based on the challenges it poses, to explore in great depth whether we find ourselves at the brink of a second automobile revolution (Freyssenet, 2010). One of the goals of this paper is to identify the specific characteristics that have allowed for the survival of the auto parts industry, in spite of the so-called “industry globalization”, the closing of automotive manufacturing plants and the process of deindustrialization, which begun in the 1970’s (Garza, 1985). In particular, an inquiry will be made into the survival strategies that have been followed by companies, whether they be large (where affiliates of major international auto parts companies dominate the market), medium, small or microbusinesses; the TIER 1, 2, or 3, with special emphasis on the context of the automotive crisis triggered in 2008; the changes that have taken place in the relationships with the manufacturing plants, and their suppliers, as well as the experiences stemming from such a crisis. Considering the central role they play, a special consideration will focus on the identification of the most important transnational auto parts companies, which have embarked on major restructuration processes around the world (Frigant, 2007, 2009) At the same, the specific role played by the auto parts industry located in Mexico City will be determined within the national context. Likewise, this paper will examine the role of public policy, both in its territorial arranging and its environmental dimensions) at different government levels (federal and local) in the restructuring of the industry and in its territorial configuration. As an advanced hypothesis, it is suggested that the auto parts industry survival in Mexico City can be explained by the city’s privileged location (in terms of transportation and communication means), its industrial tradition and because it is the most important national market. As to the survival strategies developed by companies, they are regarded as having chosen to diversify its clients, products and markets, such as the findings of my previous works show (Daville, 2004, 2009). By the same token, with regard to the role of automobile-related legislation, NAFTA-derived rules and regulations at the supranational level have carried a lot of weight. References Carrillo, J. 2007. “The historical evolution of American Auto Firms in Mexico”, 15th GERPISA International Colloquim, 20-22 Juin, Paris. Daville, S. 2004. “Querétaro: Un pôle émergent de développement industriel”, Revue d’Économie Régionale et Urbaine, No. 5, p. 737-752. Daville, S. 2009. Evolución de la industria automotriz en México y localización de autopartes en Querétaro, México, Tesis de Doctorado en Ciencias Sociales, UAM-Xochimilco, México. Freyssenet, M. 2010. “Une crise peut en cacher une autre. Quel apport de la théorie des modèles productifs?”, VI Congrès de l’Association Latino-Américaine de Sociologie du Travail, Mexico, 20-23 avril 2010. Frigant, V. 2007. “Les fournisseurs automobiles après dix ans de modularité: une analyse de la hiérarchie mondiale et des performances individuelles”, Cahiers du GRES, No. 20. Frigant, V. 2009.”Winners and Losers in the Auto Parts Industry: Trajectories Followed by the Main First Tier Suppliers Over the Past Decade”, en M. Freyssenet, The Second Automobile Revolution, Basingstoke and New York, Palgrave Macmillan, p. 419-442. Garza, G.1985. El proceso de industrialización en la ciudad de México, 1821-1970, El Colegio de México, México.

The technological development of the auto industry in Mexico

Martin, Victoria Ma. A. (2011).  The technological development of the auto industry in Mexico. Gerpisa colloquium. The aim of this article is to present the results of a research made in a sample of auto parts enterprises of the auto parts industry in Mexico. The research was made applying questionnaires and deep interviews to managers of the auto parts enterprises. Some of the conclusions are: 1. In spite of the automobile’s manufacturing had begun in Mexico in the 1940’s; the technology applied in Mexico comes from foreign headquarters, this conveys to royalties paid to foreign enterprises. 2. Mexico has not had a fiscal or industrial policy to encourage the development of technology to make competitive the Mexican enterprises, furthermore, Mexico does not have research centers and technological development for the auto industry and there are not links up between the research and educational centers with the enterprises. 3. Mexico was set in the market of the United States and Canada, opening its frontiers abruptly and there is not a public policy to promote technological development for the automobile industry, including new technologies for new engines and the reduction of emissions. 4. Mexico offers: a) low wages, b) tax exemption for imports to be exported, c) poor environmental regulation and d) a fiscal system very favorable to foreign investment.

The Creation of Local Suppliers within Global Production Networks: the Case of Ford Motor Company in Hermosillo, Mexico

Contreras, Oscar F., Jorge Carrillo, & Jorge Alonso Estrada (2010).  The Creation of Local Suppliers within Global Production Networks: the Case of Ford Motor Company in Hermosillo, Mexico. The Prospects and Limits to the Development of the Automotive Periphery. 42, 23-39.

This article is based on a case study designed to identify the presence of technological and knowledge spillovers, and the type of linkages that foreign major assemblers had with local knowledge-intensive firms within the automotive complex led by Ford Motor Company plant in Hermosillo, a city of the northern border state of Sonora, in Mexico.  
 

The Prospects for Mexico in the North American Automotive Industry: A Global Value Chain Perspective

Sturgeon, Timothy, Gary Gereffi, Kimberly B. Rogers, & Karina Fernandez-Stark (2010).  The Prospects for Mexico in the North American Automotive Industry: A Global Value Chain Perspective. The Prospects and Limits to the Development of the Automotive Periphery. 42, 11-23.

This paper considers the prospects for Mexico’s automotive industry as it has evolved, especially since the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1994, in the context of these nested and highly dynamic global and regional value chains.  We find that the fate of an industry in a small, regionally embedded country like Mexico is tied to factors that lie largely outside the control of the state or of local firms.
Ironically, the flagging prospects of the Big 3 automakers have created more risks for Mexico and Canada than it has for the United States.
 

The Prospects and Limits to the Development of the Automotive Periphery

Domanski, Boleslaw (2010).  The Prospects and Limits to the Development of the Automotive Periphery. (Domanski B., Ed.).Actes du Gerpisa. 42,

The papers published in this issue of Actes du GERPISA focus on the evolution of the automotive industry in the peripheral countries and their changing role in the international division of labour in the automotive industry. The first aim is to achieve a better understanding of factors and mechanisms that spur and/or hinder industrial upgrading in less developed countries as defined according to Gereffi (2005) as a ‘move from low-value to relatively high-value activities in global production networks’. This is related to the issue of the long-term prospects of the peripheral countries, i.e. the debate as to what extent their position can be sustained in the long run and how far the observed processes of functional upgrading in the international value chain can continue. These problems have gained special importance in the situation of the current crisis. One of the conclusions drawn by Humphrey, Lecler and Salerno (2000) was that a scenario of regional segmentation of the global vehicle industry was more likely than global homogeneity.
The trend towards regionalism has been supported by Freyssenet, Shimizu and Volpato (2003) and Carrillo, Lung and Van Tulder (2004). The papers in this issue discuss the development trajectories of countries that represent three different types of automotive periphery (see Humphrey, Lecler, Salerno, 2000): Mexico as an example of the Integrated Peripheral Market strongly integrated into the North American Free Trade Area (Sturgeon, Gereffi, Rogers, and Stark-Fernandez, this issue; Contreras, Carrillo, and Estrada, this issue), Mercosur as the case of the Emerging Regional Market not integrated into the Triad (Lung, this issue), and China as the best example of the Protected Autonomous Market and now the second largest automobile market behind the United States (Bungsche, this issue).

Performance and perspective of the automotive industry in Mexico after the 2009 economic crisis

Alvarez, Lourdes, Julio Castellanos, María Antonieta Martín G., & González Ma. Luisa (2010).  Performance and perspective of the automotive industry in Mexico after the 2009 economic crisis. Gerpisa colloquium. Since the beginning of the 1980s Mexico has undergone an impressive process of economic openness, trade liberalization and macroeconomic stabilization thus averting extreme currency devaluation, two digits inflation and an acute fiscal deficit. However these changes reduced the dynamics of the domestic market while exports were unable to compensate for the decline. The economic growth has been unsatisfactory; it has failed to increase the standard of living of its population, create new jobs, and keep a solid currency. The 2009 economic crisis found a slow growing economy unable to overcome the situation and the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) decreased. Still the automotive industry in Mexico is linked to the economic growth of the United States, and this resulted in improved performance in the beginning of 2010. In this work we study the effects of the world economic crisis on the Mexican automobile industry and focus on two analyses: First we describe the automotive industry evaluating its dimension and explaining the strategies developed to face the 2009 crisis and their results. In the second part we focus in a local case, analyzing the cluster located in Aguascalientes. The main focus of the study is on the perception that the auto-parts company managers have of the main problems they deal during their insertion into the automotive industry’s value chains. The history of the Automotive Industry in Mexico is intrinsically linked to the government policy that promoted the economic and industrial development, and it can be clearly traced to the automotive decree of 1962. During the 25 years that followed, the government tried to keep and create a national automotive industry in which there were even Mexican automotive and OEM factories. With the coming to power of a new political class, new free trade agreements and decrees gave privileged terms to transnational companies some of this measures resulted in a foreign owned industry and the impossibility to shape an automotive industrial policy that was convenient to the country and their citizens. Between 1994 an 2008 the development of the automotive industry, has been described both as a success and as a failure. First the industry achieved some level of competitiveness as an export platform, increasing its intra industry trade and integrating into the North American market. Under the NAFTA, the automotive industry increase production, received foreign direct investment, created employment, and also improved contribution to GDP and to regional development with the creation of automotive clusters. The automobile industry was regarded by some policy makers as the vertebral column of Mexico´s economy. However exports were not as strong contributors of economic growth as they thought: the productive chains and clusters did not substitute for imports, reliance on imported parts has meant that national suppliers could not be integrated into the value chain. The internal market was unattended; real wages in the industry decreased while productivity increased. University/ industry relationships are limited once there is low development of capacities in segments with more technological requirements and high added value. The automobile sector represented in 2007, 3% of the GNP and 18.8% of the Manufacturers' GNP; 2008 kept 3.5 and 18.8% while 2009 decreased to 2.3 and 13.3% respectively. This is related with the achievement of the United States and Mexican economy which has a GNP of -7% The vehicle manufacturing, which increased in 2007 to 2,146,959, 80% (i.e. 1,700,000) were for export, totaling $31.771 billion U.S. dollars. Export of OEM parts was around $15.291 billion U.S. dollars. The sum of these two is $47.062 billion U.S. dollars which is 25% higher than the crude oil sales in the same year (the oil revenue accounts for financing 35% of the national public expenses). During 2008 vehicle production grew by 4%, but not for the manufacturing and export of OEM parts, which fell by 11% representing $1.640 billion dollars. The last quarter of 2008 fell by 10% compared to the last quarter of the previous year. As a consequence all assembly and OEM plants initiated temporary layoffs and reduced the workforce. Production in 2009 fell 28.3% or 596 thousand units compared to 2008, totaling 1,507,527 units, this implies that exports fell 26.8% during the year. Internal sales fell 26% compared to the previous year. The last quarter of the year has shown an important increase in production and sales of about 15%, leaving hopes for improvements in 2010 and the years that follow. Also, in 2009 there have been investments from VW and the three North American companies, which could be interpreted as a symptom that the worst of the crisis is left behind. The temporary layoffs increased and there were layoffs of about 15%. The main export market has been the U.S. with over 70% of the total exports, followed by Germany with 15%. This fact clearly shows the potential growth of the so called "mexican auto industry" in the years that follow.

The Mexican Government’s economic measures to limit the crisis effects in the automotive sector

Lacayo, Hortensia (2010).  The Mexican Government’s economic measures to limit the crisis effects in the automotive sector. Gerpisa colloquium.
  
L’industrie de l’automobile est l’une des filières de production les plus importantes pour l’économie mexicaine. Cette industrie emploie aujourd’hui presque un million de personnes et sa production représente 3,8% du produit intérieur brut du Mexique. En outre, 75% des véhicules produits au Mexique sont vendus hors du pays. Ainsi en 2008, cette industrie a exporté 1 661 394 unités, dont 1 175 513 (70.75 %) aux États-Unis et 112 606 (6.78 %) au Canada. Ceci révèle la grande dépendance économique du Mexique envers son plus proche voisin du nord.
En ce qui concerne le marché intérieur, on ressent les effets de la crise sur cette industrie, car la consommation des véhicules en 2009 a baissé de 26,4% par rapport à 2008 et une augmentation de celle-ci dans un futur proche semble peu probable. Ainsi, la production total de véhicules de passagers en 2009 montre une chute de 28.3% par rapport à l’année 2008. 
Pour aider les constructeurs automobiles établis au Mexique à limiter la crise, le gouvernement mexicain a mis en marche diverses mesures économiques:
·               La création d’un fonds pour que les entreprises financières, filiales des constructeurs automobiles, puissent continuer à prêter de l’argent aux acheteurs des véhicules.
·               Le Programme pour la Préservation de l’Emploi, dans lequel un fonds d’appui pour des arrêts techniques des entreprises a été mis en place.
·               Le Programme de Renouvellement du Parc Automobile, similaire au programme cash for clunkers mis en place aux États-Unis.
Ce dernier programme a pour objectifs, d’une part, limiter les effets de la crise pour l’industrie automobile a travers de promouvoir l’achat des véhicules neufs au Mexique,  et d’autre part, promouvoir la réduction de l’émission de contaminants à l’atmosphère en envoyant à la casse les vieilles voitures, toujours en circulation. 
L’objectif de ce travail est d’analyser les effets de ces mesures économiques mises en place par le gouvernement mexicain, sur les performances de l’industrie automobile dans le pays.
 

 

Transnational corporations, employment practices and social responsability in Mexico

Bensusan, Graciela, & Jorge Carrillo (2010).  Transnational corporations, employment practices and social responsability in Mexico. Gerpisa colloquium.

TRANSNATIONAL CORPORATIONS, EMPLOYMENT PRACTICES AND SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY IN MEXICO

By Graciela Bensusán (UAM) and Jorge Carrillo (COLEF).

 

ABSTRACT

Diverse studies evaluating the results obtained from the defense of workers’ rights in a context of ongoing productive restructuring through various means and instruments—national and international, public and private, linking and non-linking—emphasize both their potentialities and limitations. In particular the implementation of Codes of Conduct in multinational corporations (MNCs), including those with a sectorial scope, as an alternative or complement to national regulations, has generated immense disappointment among specialists. Thus the debate continues on the best way to avoid a race to the bottom with regard to the quality of employment. This is especially important in a context such as the one we are currently experiencing, marked by the crisis of the neoliberal model and the consequent restructuring of companies in response to intense competitive pressure.

Some of the questions emanating from this debate are the following: What is the effect from the development of global production chains led by multinational corporations (MNCs) and the various ways of organizing these chains, on the capacity of old and new actors (labor unions and NGOs) to put an end to competitive strategies based on attacking working conditions, and what type of factors has an impact on this result? In what way may the demand for social responsibility on the part of MNCs and their suppliers and contractors, through non-obligatory private protection instruments such as Codes of Conduct, counteract the weakening of state and labor union capacities to protect the quality of employment? Are new public and private efforts being made to compensate for this weakening?

In an attempt to respond to these questions, this chapter seeks to compare the tendencies of restructuring in two activities, specifically the manufacturing industry and the service industry, and especially the tendencies related to the modalities and implications of outsourcing by multinational corporations, and the roles played by the different actors in this process.

This study has been conducted within the framework of the debate generated around the way in which deficits in regulations are compensated for within the domestic sphere of the globalization process and the resulting impacts on employment. Particular focus is given to the criticisms of new governance theories that established the basis for the search for “productivist” and “managerial” solutions, such as the promotion of corporate social responsibility and codes of conduct. In short it is sustained that this proposal is “post-conflict and post-rights, post-state and technocratic,” ignoring the fact that a significant number of the problems involved in the restructuring processes are the result of unequal power relations involving class, gender, ethnicity and other social cleavages that cannot be addressed without the recognition of new rights and the adoption of public policies, together with an efficient state apparatus that demands the fulfillment of such rights and policies (Kolben, 2009).

The restructuring of Mexico’s manufacturing industry has been studied from different angles. In this article we are interested, as already stated, in focusing on the consequences for the quality of employment throughout the productive chains led by MNCs and the power of the actors involved.

In order to compare the effects from the restructuring in the manufacturing and services sectors, we will analyze two business models or investment strategies in Mexico: the maquila model that seeks efficiency in international markets through the exporting of manufactured products, and the model in which national markets are penetrated through service-providing businesses seeking competitiveness in regional or local markets (Mortimore, 2006).

In order to typify the business models and their labor implications, we will use a survey conducted with multinational companies at the end of 2008 and during 2009, specifically with nearly 170 firms in the manufacturing and services sectors. This was a face-to-face survey conducted with the Human Resources Directors at these firms, and was part of the project Firmas multinacionales en México: Un estudio sobre la estructura organizacional, la innovación y las prácticas de empleo (Multinational firms in Mexico: a study on organizational structure, innovation and employment practices), linked to the international network known as INTREPID (Investigation of Transnationals’ Employment Practices: An International Database).

We will analyze occupational structure, subcontracting practices, and the presence of labor union organizations and other mechanisms of representation used by companies. In order to study the scope of the Codes of Conduct implemented, we will look at the results from previous studies we have conducted, and we will review statistical and documentary sources, as well as in-depth interviews with the involved actors, including federal and local governments. To this end, we will use some cases of specific companies as referents.

Bibliography

Kolben, Kevin (2009), Towards an integrative theory of transnational labor regulation, Draft presented at Regulation for Decent Work Conference. Workshop: Regulating work in global production, July, Geneva.

Mortimore, Michael (2006), Transnationalization of Developing America: opportunities and challenges, CEPAL, Santiago, May 8 (documento de trabajo)

 

L'avenir de travail à la chaîne. Une comparaison internationale dans l'industrie automobile

Durand, Jean-Pierre, Paul Stewart, & Juan-José Castillo (1998).  L'avenir de travail à la chaîne. Une comparaison internationale dans l'industrie automobile. 398.

 

Parce qu'elle concerne toujours de nombreux salariés, la chaîne reste le lieu emblématique pour analyser les transformations de l'organisation du travail et des relations professionnelles. Tandis que la plupart des constructeurs automobiles mondiaux ont cherché à introduire le teamwork né des pratiques japonaises, sa mise en œuvre a été profondément influencée par l'histoire des firmes et les conditions nationales. D'où l'émergence d'une pluralité de types de relation salariale que cet ouvrage met en évidence à travers l'étude de 24 ateliers à travers le monde, fruit d'un travail sans équivalent à ce jour d'une équipe internationale de spécialistes du sujet. Quelle est la réalité du teamwork et du travail de groupe ? Quelles compétences utilisées ? Quelle évolution de la division du travail et de la coopération au travail ? Quelle place accordée au syndicat ? Cet ouvrage s'adresse aux chercheurs, aux étudiants, aux enseignants, aux syndicalistes et à tous les praticiens qui souhaitent comprendre les changements à venir dans l'ensemble des secteurs de production de biens et de services, puisque l'industrie automobile sert de matrice aux révolutions organisationnelles depuis un siècle. La dimension comparative internationale les informe à l'heure de la globalisation

L'avanir du travail à la chaîne
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Concéption et administration Tommaso Pardi

 

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